The Battle of Hastings - 14 October 1066
Introduction
The Battle of Hastings marked the end of the Anglo-Saxon age and the culmination of the last conquest, resulting in the beginning of modern English history.
Location
According to the Twelfth Century Chronicle of Battle Abbey, the battle was fought on the southern slopes of the ridge now occupied by Battle Abbey. Earlier accounts suggest Caldbec Hill, one mile to the north, as a possible location, with the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle describing the English assembling at the ‘hoar apple tree,’ the site of which is now a windmill. The erection of the Abbey, however, established its estate as the assumed battlefield.
Landscape Interpretation
Much of the low ground around modern Battle was marshland in 1066. There was therefore little room for manoeuvre in terms of both moving and deploying armies.
The English are generally assumed to have approached the battle along Whatlington Road. The Normans approached on the line of the modern A2100 from Hastings. The original road was diverted when the abbey was built, but its line is preserved by the track heading west from the junction between the A2100 and the B2095.
English Heritage owns Battle Abbey and much of the surrounding battlefield. Most of their land is accessible.
Although at first sight, the battlefield appears remarkably undeveloped, there are interpretative problems, largely due to the positions of both armies’ wings being invisible. The temptation to view the Abbey Terrace as the English front line should be avoided, since close inspection reveals the rising ground beyond, to be the actual position. The ranks stretched backwards from the line of the large building perpendicular to the terrace, to the line of the High Altar.
Assuming the terrace to represent the width of the English position is also erroneous, since the centre, where Harold was surrounded by his bodyguard, was in the vicinity of the High Altar. Both wings lie beyond the English Heritage boundary, the right on the site of the present car park and the left, spread across land occupied by houses to the junction of the Hastings and Sedlescombe roads. Trees obscure both wings.
Similar problems are encountered in interpreting the Norman position, with only the centre immediately obvious, around the former Abbey fishponds at the bottom of the hill. The left is obscured by scrubland and the right was across the busy Powdermill Lane.
The Abbey is intrusive and confusing when visualising the battle. Its erection caused the hilltop to be levelled and the earth to be tipped down the slopes, thus making them more gradual. The marshes were dammed to form fishponds and the harsher features of the battlefield lost during its life as the Abbey estate. During the 17th-19th Centuries, the fishponds were adapted to provide waterpower for the gunpowder mills to the south-west of the battlefield.
There are several possible locations of the Malfosse, where an English rearguard action occurred, of which the most respected is Oakwood Gill. This can be seen below the busy London Road (A2100), 200 yards north of its junction with Virgin’s Lane.
Historical Background
By 1051, King Edward the Confessor, who was aged around 50 and had been married for six years without producing an heir, named William, Duke of Normandy as his successor. Edward had developed an affinity with Normandy whilst exiled there during Danish rule in England and looked to his grandnephew William to steer the country away from Scandinavian influence.
By the time that Godwin, Earl of Wessex died in 1053, his family was the most powerful in England. His sons held other important earldoms, notably Harold in East Anglia and his eldest daughter Edith was the queen. Harold succeeded his father as Earl of Wessex and in 1055, his younger brother Tostig became Earl of Northumbria.
In 1064, Harold went to Normandy, possibly to confirm William’s status as heir. Any independent action on Harold’s part was ruled out when he was captured by Guy, Count of Ponthieu and handed over to William. While in Normandy, Harold swore an oath at Bonneville-sur-Touques, in which he probably undertook to support William’s succession.
Edward died on 5 January 1066, leaving neither a direct heir nor a single designated successor. On his deathbed, Edward stretched out his hand to his brother-in-law, Harold, an act interpreted by the latter as the nomination of himself as successor. Furthermore, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Edward entrusted his kingdom to Harold. These perceived endorsements were enhanced by practical considerations such as Harold’s command of the army and his age, nationality and status.
On 6 January, the newly built Westminster Abbey saw both Edward’s funeral in the morning and the coronation of Harold II later that day, by Stigand, whom the new king had created Archbishop of Canterbury.
William determined to invade England with the blessing of Pope Alexander II, invoking condemnation of Harold’s breaking of the oath. The Pope sent a banner to be carried in battle and a hair of St Peter set in a ring. This helped turn the planned venture into a crusade of religious reform and attracted volunteers to the cause. Allies from neighbouring Boulogne, Brittany, Flanders, France and Maine were attracted by the lure of advancement under the anticipated new English regime.
Although William’s military preparations were complete by August, he was paralysed by the lack of a favourable wind. Harold also mobilised his forces in readiness. For two months in the summer, the South Coast was defended by the 5,000 housecarls who comprised the elite of Harold’s army and the 13,000 men of the fyrd, semi-professionals from the farming community. On 8 September, with the harvest due and both provisions and patience in short supply, Harold reluctantly stood his men down and sent his fleet to London. The fleet, however, was destroyed in a storm, leaving the English Channel open to William.
Meanwhile, Tostig had persuaded King Harald III of Norway, who had a convoluted claim to the English throne, to invade. Tostig aimed to regain the Earldom of Northumbria, of which his brother had deprived him in 1065. This occurred after the corrupt Tostig had been weakened by a revolt and his removal was necessary to restore order.
Harold heard of the Norwegian landing on around 19 September and left London almost immediately. Late on 24 September, Harold reached Tadcaster with 3,000 men and rested. The following day, he met Northern allies at York and the combined force marched to fight Harald at Stamford Bridge. Here, the Norwegians were outnumbered and destroyed and Harald and Tostig were killed.
Harold’s victory celebrations in York were interrupted by news of the Norman landing at Pevensey.
Contemporary Sources
There are no first hand accounts of the battle but numerous other sources, predominantly written from the Norman perspective.
The Gesta Gulielmi Ducis Normannorum et Regis Anglorum (Deeds of William, Duke of the Normans and King of the English) is traditionally viewed as the best authority on the battle. William of Poitiers, Archdeacon of Lisieux, wrote this account of the duke’s life up to 1067 in the 1070s. The section on the Conquest was based upon the accounts of the Norman protagonists, to whom he had unlimited access in his capacity as Duke William’s chaplain.
The Gesta Normannorum Ducum (Deeds of the Dukes of the Normans) was written by the monk William of Jumieges. In his account of the Conquest, the battle started at 9am and in contrast to other sources, Harold died in the first Norman attack. As he says that the king’s death precipitated the English defeat at dusk, the brevity of his account explains this apparent contradiction.
The main English source is the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which was begun in the Ninth Century. By the Conquest, additions were being written in five monasteries, producing five different versions, called A-E. The fullest account of the Conquest is found in version D, which concentrates on Northern history and may therefore have been written in York between 1031-79.
An unusual but valuable source is the Bayeux Tapestry, which was named after its commissioner Odo, Bishop of Bayeux. The Tapestry exaggerates the role of Odo, who was William’s half-brother and featured little in contemporary chronicles. It begins with Harold’s visit to Normandy in 1064 and now ends with the rout of the English at Hastings. The original last section is lost and may have ended with William’s coronation. As well as telling the history of the Conquest, the Tapestry gives the best indication of the arms, armour and tactics of the period.
Among Twelfth Century accounts is the Historiae Ecclesiasticae of the monk Orderic Vitalis, who uniquely places the battle at Senlac, which was subsequently taken to be the hill on which the Abbey stands. The Chronicle of Battle Abbey was written after 1155 and contains inaccuracies designed to enhance the Abbey’s status. The Chronicle refers to the Malfosse incident at the end of the battle and the Altar being built at the site of Harold’s death, in fulfilment of a vow made by William. The latter tradition is the best evidence for the recognised site of the battle.
The Hastings Campaign
Having waited six weeks, William, Duke of Normandy finally obtained a favourable wind and sailed from St-Valery-sur-Somme, late on 27 September 1066. The following day, the Normans landed unopposed near the Roman fort of Anderita, since the English fleet had been disbanded due to harvesting duties and the army was in Yorkshire. The absence of any defence suggests that Harold did not expect an attack so late in the year. The Normans brought boats suitable for living in whilst on the shore and prefabricated wooden castles, one of which was erected in the south-east corner of the fort, now occupied by Pevensey Castle.
After leaving a garrison, William moved east to Hastings, where another castle was erected, enhanced by England’s first motte and bailey. As Hastings was the only port and town in the area, it was probably William’s objective before departure and became his headquarters. Hastings also provided access to the high ground to the north, which would be easier to cross than the surrounding marshland and secured communications with Normandy.
William raided the surrounding area in keeping with his Viking ancestry, aiming to draw Harold towards him, rather than risk moving too far into hostile and unfamiliar territory. This was a sound policy, since Harold owned much land in Sussex. Crowhurst and Sedlescombe were probably raided, being described as ‘waste’ in the Domesday Book, while Combe Haven is thought to be the site of a similar event depicted on the Bayeux Tapestry.
At the start of October, having heard of the invasion, Harold rode the 200 miles from York to London in about a week, accompanied by those of his men who could accompany him on horseback. Messages passed between the enemies included a rejected offer from William of a prominent position and estates from if Harold surrendered the throne. Harold stopped in the capital for six days to collect Southern reinforcements and see if William moved. As if the horrors experienced at Stamford Bridge were not enough, Harold and his surviving men had now covered approximately 400 miles in ten days.
The waiting game, however, proved too much for Harold, since concern regarding the Norman depredations was exacerbated by the insecurity of having a stronger claimant to the throne on his territory, who could attract support. Harold was also keen to surprise the enemy as at Stamford Bridge and quickly marched through the Andredsweald forest to its southern edge, at an old apple tree on a hill. Here, he met more reinforcements and camped overnight on the Hastings road, having trapped William by sending his fleet to the south.
William was informed of Harold’s approach on the night of 13 October and remained alert in case of attack. He made a speech to his men and heard Mass, with the relics on which Harold had sworn the broken oath around his neck. The Normans left Hastings in battle formation at dawn on the following day, aiming to take the enemy by surprise. William advanced to Blackhorse Hill by 8am, south of the English position, which was reported to him by scouts.
Numbers
There is no reference to the numbers present in the contemporary chronicles. Most historians suggest that each side numbered 7-8,000 on an intuitive basis.
The Battle
Concerned about the Norman cavalry, the English army moved approximately one mile south and began to deploy in a strong defensive position, protected by the Andredsweald and ravines to the north and steep sides to the east and west. They faced south, on the crest of a hill sloping down towards marshes. Long shields, held in a defensive front wall comprising 1,000 housecarls
, protected them. The line stretched 600-800 yards and was flexible, allowing men to charge downhill and return to safety. The centre, where Harold was surrounded by his bodyguard, was amidst a further five or six ranks of densely packed militia.
The Normans continued almost to the eastern slopes of Senlac Hill, before heading west to deploy approximately 150 yards below the English. The risky manoeuvre of marching across the enemy line was possible because Harold was still deploying and surprised by the Norman approach. Furthermore, Harold had few of the archers who could inflict casualties from the safety of his chosen position.
As they prepared to launch a frontal assault across the soft ground, the Normans formed into three divisions: Bretons under Alan of Brittany on the left; William in the centre; and Eustace of Boulogne on the right with French and Flemish soldiers. Light infantry and archers were in the front line, followed by heavy infantry and finally, cavalry.
The Norman archers moved forward to fire into the English ranks, aiming to reach over the shields. They then withdrew to enable a slow ascent by the infantry, under a hail of missiles, mainly spears and hammers. The last part of the ascent was so steep and the Normans armour and weapons so heavy, that they could not gain sufficient momentum to break through the formidable wall, even when supported by cavalry. Despite this successful defence, early English casualties possibly included Harold’s brothers Gyrth and Leofwin.
When the attackers withdrew to regroup, an English advance spread panic from the left wing into the centre. Undisciplined English chased the Bretons into swampy ground at the foot of the hill. William urged his men to stand firm but when unhorsed, rumours of his death threatened defeat. He took off his helmet to reveal himself, shouted at his fleeing men and led them forward. This enabled the Normans to round on their pursuers to rout them. Moreover, gaps appeared in the shield wall.
A second attack began at midday. This was more successful, resulting in hand-to-hand fighting in which William’s horse was killed. William pulled a knight off his horse and mounted it as the Normans fell back in a feigned retreat to entice more Englishmen to their deaths.
The third attack was launched by the cavalry, supported by the exhausted infantry, against the thinned English ranks. Cracks appeared and the first penetration of the shield wall occurred. The English screamed at the Normans as they hacked them from their saddles and the Normans fell back again in feigned retreat. The pursuers were then surrounded and killed. Despite these losses, the English line held as reserves covered gaps in the shield wall.
A battle of attrition developed, with more Norman assaults against the continually weakening English. William, sensing that victory was close, was at the heart of their efforts and a third horse was killed from beneath him. With the outcome in the balance, the exhausted armies rested.
In the late afternoon, fresh arrows arrived for the archers, who shot volleys into the English, whose casualties included Harold. The fatally weakened defenders now succumbed to a decisive cavalry charge, in which a sword thrust finished off Harold.
By around 5pm, the battle was over and the English line began to break from right to left. The exhausted survivors began to flee north, seeking the safety of the Andredsweald, pursued by Eustace of Boulogne, while William supervised the consolidation of the hill. On riding into a wooded ravine as dusk approached, however, Eustace was attacked from a bank and suffered such casualties that he rode back to seek aid from William. When Eustace was then seriously wounded, the duke was force to lead a decisive charge, sweeping around from Caldbec Hill to take the bank and ensure victory.
William then returned to Senlac Hill and camped overnight on the battlefield that he had fought so hard to win. A disorganised pursuit into unfamiliar territory risked everything.
Aftermath
At dusk, the 4,000 estimated dead comprised more Englishmen than Normans and the battlefield was covered with the flower of England’s nobility and youth. Harold’s body was so mutilated that it could only be identified by distinctive marks, reputedly known only to his mistress.
William refused a monetary offer from Harold’s mother for his body. He felt that offering money was distasteful, that Harold’s responsibility for the carnage made him ineligible for a decent burial and that to do so may cause the site to become a shrine and therefore a focus for opposition to the new regime.
The following day, William returned to Hastings after arranging the burial of his dead. William of Poitiers recorded English bodies being ravaged by animals. A Norman, William Malet, buried Harold near Hastings although a Twelfth Century source asserted that he was reburied at Waltham Abbey. According to a less reputable tradition, Harold survived and escaped to Germany.
William remained wary of overconfidence, since he was unfamiliar with the country and notable English leaders at large would be a focus for opposition. He therefore approached the Thames Estuary along the coast, thus providing an escape route if necessary.
After leaving a garrison at Hastings, William moved through Romney to Dover, the fortified gateway from the Continent. The defences were strengthened and the garrison left included victims of dysentery. William then subdued the religious capital of Canterbury before following the Thames south of hostile London, where the Norman vanguard fought off a sallying attack. William crossed the river at Wallingford and reached London via Berkhamsted, where the citizens submitted. He was crowned in Edward the Confessor’s Westminster Abbey on Christmas Day. His trembling and the brutal suppression of external disturbance during the service foreshadowed the efforts that the Normans would have to make to conquer the country.
Consequences
In 1068, William established a foothold in the North, when he fortified hostile York. Widespread rebellion followed in the following year, supported by Danish and Scottish forces. Normans were attacked at Durham and York was captured, prompting William to move north again. The rebels fled and the Danes were paid off.
William would not be placated, however and launched the ‘harrying of the North,’ his most infamous act in England. So thorough was the devastation that the chronicler Symeon of Durham wrote that no village remained habited between York and Durham. Even pro Norman chroniclers were appalled as all houses and crops north of the Humber were destroyed and anything alive was killed. Famine, which Orderic Vitalis said claimed 100,000 lives, bred cannibalism.
Other rebellions were suppressed, notably in Wales and the West Country, before the last major revolt in 1071, centred upon Ely. William’s approach scattered the rebels, including Hereward the Wake, who faded into obscurity.
The Norman Conquest remains the last successful invasion of England. With many survivors of the English hierarchy in exile, a new order was established based upon feudalism, comprising those who had facilitated the Conquest. They were given land forfeited by the defeated and built five hundred castles between 1066-1100 in order to defend their spoils and intimidate the native population. Although there had been fortifications in England before, construction on this scale was unparalleled and the focus on building fortified homes, rather than military encampments emphasised that the Normans were here to stay.
As clerics also fought in the Norman army and supplied men, they were rewarded with most places in the new episcopy. Their involvement in the administration of the country saw Latin replace Old English as the language of officialdom, as Norman French became the language of the upper class. Large, numerous monasteries replaced the few, small English foundations, beginning with Battle Abbey, built between 1070-1100. Urban cathedrals replaced rural ones and were sited next to castles in imposing Norman cities. This necessitated demolition of houses and awesome Romanesque architecture replaced the simple Saxon style.
Conclusion
The Conquest established political unity unknown in a country that had previously been federal in nature and also an empire on both sides of the Channel. It moved the focus of England from remote Scandinavia towards modern France and Rome. In particular, the affairs of England and France would be closely related for the next four centuries.
